Bill Hayton
Associate Fellow, Asia Programme
The US is not challenging Beijing’s island claims in the South China Sea but the risk of confrontation will grow.
Chinese Navy officers wait dockside as a Chinese Navy warship escorting the arrival of the USS Curtis Wilbur arrives at Qingdao port on 13 September 2005. Photo by Getty Images.
On 30 January the US Navy carried out its second ‘freedom of navigation operation’ (FONOP) in the South China Sea in four months. The Chinese Ministry of Defence called the mission ‘intentionally provocative… irresponsible and extremely dangerous’ but that’s unlikely to deter the US. More FONOPs will follow because US maintains it is defending the ‘international rules-based order’ against efforts by China and others to rewrite the law of the sea. The missions are likely to push further into areas that China regards as sensitive and increase the risk of confrontation.
‘Innocent passage’
According to a statement from the Office of the US Secretary of Defense, the transit of the USS Curtis Wilbur was an ‘innocent passage within 12 nautical miles of Triton Island’, that is within the territorial sea of one of the Paracel Islands. The Paracels are occupied by China and claimed by Vietnam but the US was explicitly not intervening in that territorial dispute. Instead it claimed to be upholding general principles laid down in the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which allows all ships the right of innocent passage through another country’s territorial waters. Article 19 of UNCLOS describes a passage as innocent, ‘so long as it is not prejudicial to the peace, good order or security of the coastal state’. Article 17 of the Convention makes no distinction between civilian and military vessels but several countries, including China, have argued that it does not apply to warships.
China’s 1992 Law on the Territorial Sea states that foreign military ships need Chinese government approval before entering China’s territorial sea (Article 6). China is not alone in this. At least 10 states, including Brazil, India, Malaysia and Vietnam, have domestic laws requiring foreign naval ships to either inform local authorities or seek permission before transiting either through their territorial sea (up to 12 nautical miles from shore) or Exclusive Economic Zone (up to 200 nautical miles from shore).
The US – and most other states with ocean-going navies – pointedly ignores these laws. Since 1979 the US has operated its Freedom of Navigation programme explicitly to challenge and prevent this becoming an accepted principle of international law. The Chinese Foreign Ministry’s response to the USS Curtis Wilbur’s FONOP was to call on the US to recognize Chinese maritime law – a position that the US has already rejected as incompatible with UNCLOS.
The United States has a political problem when it bases its actions upon UNCLOS, however. The US Senate has failed to ratify it. In August 2012, 34 Republican Party senators (a blocking minority) declared they would oppose ratification because UNCLOS creates the ‘International Seabed Authority’ to regulate economic activities in the deep ocean and because the Convention doesn’t explicitly grant states the right to gather intelligence at sea. Every relevant arm of the US government says these objections are spurious but that hasn’t persuaded the senators. Given their unilateralist sympathies and general disdain for the UN it’s unlikely that they will change their minds soon. The US Navy says it abides by the Convention’s provisions anyway, since they have now become part of customary international law, but its moral position would be made much stronger if 67 senators could vote in favour of it.
‘Straight baselines’
In November 2015 the Pentagon said it expects to mount at least two FONOPs in the South China Sea every quarter. In January 2016, the head of US Pacific Command, Admiral Harry Harris, told a Washington audience the missions would be ‘increasing in complexity and scope and in areas of challenge’. The US Navy is likely to challenge China over increasingly sensitive issues. One may be the question of ‘straight baselines’.
On 15 May 1996, the Chinese government declared what are called ‘straight baselines’ along its coast and around the Paracels. In the view of the United States – and many other countries – the lines are incompatible with UNCLOS. The Convention says straight baselines cannot be drawn around remote groups of islands and the Paracels are more than 260 kilometres (130 nautical miles) offshore.
How might a future United States’ FONOP challenge the straight baseline claims? One way might be for a warship to sail within 12 nautical miles of one of the Paracels in ‘innocent passage’ but then – in an area outside 12 nautical miles but within the straight baselines – carry out actions that are not ‘innocent’ such as military drills, turning on targeting radars or launching a helicopter. While the US would be perfectly entitled to do this within mainstream interpretations of UNCLOS, it’s almost certain that the Chinese military would find it provocative and might try to obstruct the FONOP with military or paramilitary forces (such as its maritime militia).
It’s worth noting that China’s position on ‘innocent passage’ is ambiguous. In September 2015, five Chinese warships sailed within 12 nautical miles of one of the US’s Aleutian Islands without seeking American approval. Around its own coasts, however, it continues to refuse this right to other countries’ naval vessels.
State of play
At the moment relations between the two navies appear to be very good. A few days before the FONOP the chiefs of the two navies, Admiral John Richardson and Admiral Wu Shengli, held a two-hour video conference discussing the situation in the South China Sea. The patrol of the USS Curtis Wilbur passed without incident. However, the US’s FONOPs will continue and China will continue to regard them as provocative. The US will claim it is acting within international law but China will claim it is violating its domestic law. Communication between the two will have to be clear and effective to avoid the possibility of confrontation.
美国不是挑战北京岛声称在南海而且对抗的风险将增长。
中国海军军官等码头为中国海军舰艇护航的柯蒂斯号抵达威尔伯抵达青岛港2005九月13。通过盖蒂图片社的照片。
一月30美国海军进行了第二次的导航操作自由”(fonop)在四个月的南海。中国国防部称这一使命“蓄意挑衅,不负责任,极其危险”,但这不可能阻止美国。FONOPs将因为美国认为这是维护国际规则为基础的秩序”对中国和其他人的努力改写的海洋法。该任务可能会进一步推动中国视为敏感区域,增加对抗的风险。
“无辜的通道”
据美国国防部长办公室的一份声明中,美国Curtis Wilbur的交通工具是“无害通过12海里内的Triton岛',那是在一个西沙群岛的领海。Paracels被中国宣称拥有主权的越南但美国是不明确的干预,领土争端。相反,它宣称要坚持的一般原则规定在联合国海洋法公约(UNCLOS),它允许所有船舶通过另一国领海无害通过权。公约第19描述一段是无辜的,只要它不利于和平、良好秩序或安全的沿海国家。该公约17条对民用和军用船只但几个国家,包括中国没有区别,认为它不适用于军舰。
中国的1992定律在领海规定,外国军用船舶需要中国政府的批准,进入中国的领海前(6条)。中国是不是一个人在战斗。至少有10个州,包括巴西,印度,马来西亚和越南,有国内法律要求外国军舰或通知当地政府或寻求许可之前的过渡通过其领海(支撑以12海里专属经济区)或(高达200海里的海岸)。
美国?和其他大多数国家的远洋海军?刻意忽略这些法律。自1979以来,美国已将其自由航行计划明确地挑战并阻止这一原则成为国际法公认的原则。在Curtis Wilbur号的FONOP中国外交部的反应是呼吁美国承认中国海商法?的位置,美国已拒绝不符合联合国海洋法公约。
美国是一个政治问题,它以行动对UNCLOS,然而。美国参议院没有批准它。2012八月,34的共和党参议员(关键少数)宣布他们将反对批准联合国海洋法公约”因为创造了国际海底管理局“规范海洋经济活动,因为会议没有显式授予州权收集情报的海上。美国政府的每一个相关部门都表示这些反对意见是虚假的,但这并没有说服参议员们。他们单方面的同情和一般蔑视联合国可能很快就会改变他们的想法。美国海军说,它遵守公约的规定,无论如何,因为他们现在已经成为国际习惯法的一部分,但其道德立场是如果67的参议员会赞成票作出更强。
“直线基线”
2015十一月,五角大楼表示,预计安装至少两fonops在南海每季度。2016一月,美国太平洋司令部司令,海军上将Harry Harris的头,告诉华盛顿的听众的任务将在规模和复杂性和挑战的地区增加。美国海军可能挑战中国对日益敏感的问题。一个可能的直线基线的问题。
月1996日15时,中国政府宣布“直线基线的海岸沿线和周围的群岛是什么。在美国的看法?和许多其他国家?线是不符合联合国海洋法公约。会议表示,直线基线不能围绕群岛和西沙远程组得出了超过260公里(130海里)的海洋。
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怎么可能,未来美国的fonop挑战直线基线的主张吗?一种可能是舰船航行12海里内的一个“无害通过西沙但然后呢?在区外12海里,但在直线基线?进行不“无辜”的行动,如军事演习,瞄准雷达或发射直升机。而美国将完全有权利这样做,在联合国海洋法公约的主流解释,几乎可以肯定,中国军队将找到它的挑衅和可能试图阻挠与军事或准军事部队的fonop(如海上民兵)。
值得注意的是,中国的立场对“无害”是模糊的。2015年九月,五艘中国军舰航行12海里范围内的一个美国的阿留申群岛没有寻求美国的支持。然而,在它自己的海岸附近,它继续拒绝向其他国家的海军船只提供这项权利。
游戏状态
目前,两国海军之间的关系似乎很好。的fonop两国海军首领的前几天,John Richardson上将和吴胜利上将,举行了两个小时的视频会议讨论南海局势。美国海军巡逻的Curtis Wilbur通过无事。然而,美国的FONOPs将继续和中国将继续将其视为挑衅。美国将要求它是作用在国际法但中国将声称它违反其国内法。二者之间的沟通将要明确有效避免对抗的可能性。